RADITIONAL PHYTOTHERAPY IN ZIMBABWE
N.Z.Nyazema,
Department of Clinical Pharmacology, Medical School. P.O. Box A 178, Avondale, Harare, Zimbabwe
E-mail:
Nnyazema@healthnet.zw
Background
In general, traditional medicine has been defined as the sum total of
all the knowledge and practices, whether explicable or not used in the
diagnosis, prevention and elimination of physical, mental or social
imbalance and relying exclusively on practical experience and
observation handed down from generation to generation, whether verbally
or in writing (WHO, 1978). That being so traditional Zimbabwean
medicine might be considered to be the sum total of practices, measures
and procedures of all kinds, whether material or not which from time
immemorial had enabled the indigenous people to guard against disease to
alleviate their suffering and to cure themselves. it is an integral
part of the Zimbabwean culture which has been neither static or dead.
However, labels of medical systems, such as "traditional", "modern",
"scientific" or "western" are always problematic. The debate over
labels will continue, but the labels need to be anchored in practical
reality. One cannot continue to presume that one is dealing with
discreet categories. When one looks at traditional medicine (TM) one
sees a pluralistic and transitional system that is operating at a
different level of social integration. "Scientific" medicine (SM) has
acquired a superior status because of its ability to control disease and
yet TM system in Zimbabwe still retains functional strength because it
is more accessible and available to the population. Unfortuately this
has been exploited by charlatans who are always difficult to bring to
book each time there is accusation of malpractice, which really ought to
be a crime according to the Traditional Medical Practitioners Act
(Chapter 27:14) Revised Edition 1996.
The Act (Appendix 2.1) has never been effectively enforced to protect
the general public from dangerous practices. This has been partly
because two very crucial provisions of the Act have not as yet been
brought into operation. These are subsection (2) and (3) of section 31
of the Act.
Subsection (2) of section 31 makes an offence for nay to practise for
gain or carry on business as traditional medical practitioner, whether
or not purpoting to be registered.
Subsection (3) of section 31 makets it an offence for any person who
does not hold a qualification of spirit medium which is recorded in the
Register, to use the title "Registered spirit medium" or any name,
title, description or symbol indicating or calculated to lead persons to
infer that he has a qualification which is registered in terms of the
Act.
Subsection (5) of section 31 states that subsections (2) and (3) shall
come into operation on such date as the president may fix by statutory
instrument. Zimbabweans have been waiting for a long time.
Be that as it may TM in Zimbabwe is popular but unfortunately most
schools of TM are not accepted by SM. The lack of acceptance is due to
the fact that treatment offered by TM have never been rigorously
evaluated. In SM theories are formulated and predictions that fit
within the overall framework are tested. The biomedical paradigm is not
dominant in TM.
A scientific paradigm facilitates the formulation of new theories and
testing of predictions that fit within that overall framework. It also,
inevitably, leads to a diminished ability to interpret, and even
percieve, phenomena that lie outside the boundaries of that paradigm.
The Zimbabwe traditional medical practice can lay claims to its own
paradigms. It did not, however develop anatomical theories worth
speaking of, has known no biochemistry or physiology, but instead it
developed subdisciplines in psychology. In fact at times there is
resistance to information that directly contradicts its wisdom. The
germ theory of disease was non-existent. Its only now that is seems to
be appreciated in traditional medical practice but to a limited extent.
Sociology and culture in medicine
The process and management of illness is a subculture of the larger
social and cultural universe of a people. Every society, even the most
isolated one, carries a subculture on health and disease which defines
the nature of illness, its appropriate treatment and the kind of
relationships in which treatment can take place. How a person who gets
ill behaves is greatly influenced by his belief regarding illness,
except in purely physical circumstances for example, in the case of a
broken leg. Even in that situation the question "why" has to be
addressed. There are three areas in which a person is likely to have
illness beliefs:
* The extent to which he believes he is susceptible,
* His belief of the seriouness of his illness
* The belief that he will benefit from taking action.
In Zimbabwe, studies have shown that patients seek medical attention
more often because of the socio-cultural meaning of illness than because
of the seriousness of the disease. For example, facial palsy is deemed
more "serious" than severe hypertension and therefore people would seek
medical attention for the former.
It is therefore important to differentiate between disease as a
biological entity and illnes as a social experience. The western
trained doctor manages illness using the biomedical model while the
patient might look at it in the context of his social experience. In
the developed world, health is valued, in the sense that an individual
always wishes to be well so that he is not a burden to his family or
society. Unfortunately, some sector of the Zimbabwean population still
regard being sick as a source of social recognition. The patient does
not have to get well right away. The longer the illness, the broader
the symptom, the more the patient may gain in the way of attention and
unquestioning acceptance of his limitation with respect to work and
other duties. In other words the patient becomes manipulative because
of psychological depravation.
In addition to this, in Zimbabwe concepts of disease etiology and
therapy now form the basis of most people's understanding of health,
illness and curing of disease. These concepts address and attempt to
explain several concepts of illness:
* Etiology
* Time and mode of on set of symptoms
* Course of sickness
* Treatment
At times some of these concepts are a mixture of indigenous philosophy,
Hippocratic humoral concepts and the concept of "germs" with the germ
theory still appearing to be weakest.
Symptoms in the Zimbabwe TM are, to a large extent, considered to be
identical with illness and disease; therefore, if there are none of the
signs that are popularly considered to be symptoms of a disease, it is
assumed that a person is well. When symptoms are present, they are the
disease itself: that is, a skin lesion is not a secondary sign that a
person has the disease called "sugar" diabetes, the lesions is itself
"sugar". By this reasoning the "sugar" is cured if the lesion goes
away.
Traditional phytotherapy is applied in accordance with the identity
between cause and effect. The effectiveness of phytomedicines has
always been judged in relation to how rapidly and completely they
alleviate sumptoms and give "ease". Traditionally the actions by which
phytomedicines are thought to be are: bittrerness, purging or washing
out and drawing out. As the terms imply, expulsion of illness-causing
impurities is the primary mechanism by which bodily equilibrium is
restored. Once the body has been cleansed, healing processes can begin,
entangled with the indigenous mythology and mysticism.
Medicinal Plant Use
There are many plants used for medicinal purposes in Zimbabwe as shown
in the tables that follow. Information of plants has been obtained from
many traditional healers practising in Zimbabwe, household surveys and
reports from the police, particularly on plants that have caused
fatalities (Gelfanc et al 1985; Chinemana, et al., 1985; Stott et al.,
1988; Ndamba et al., 1994 and Nyazema et al., 1994). Most of these
plants have now been collected, prepared and deposited in the National
Herbarium in Harare. The scientific name of the plant, its vernacular
name, collector and the region in which it grows in Zimbabwe have all
been recorded. In adition a reference of plants said or known to be
poisonous is also available in "The Poisonous Substances File", kept at
the Herbarium.
At times some confusion has occured with the numerous botanical
binomials that are used or applied to a plant. The large common names
that may be used and the lack of correspondence between the 2 systems
have caused problems. Even within the same language, the common name of
a given species may vary from area to area, and the same common name
may be applied to 2 or more species. The problem can be confounded in
many cases if the identity of the plant being studied is not established
by proper botanical analysis. Botanists at the National herbarium have
been quite helpful to avoid the practice of "translating" herbal names
into scientific names in the absence of proper identification.
More than 1000 species of the Zimbabwean flora which contains at least
5000 species have vernacular names. A vernacular name implies that the
plant has some use and the lack of vernacluar name indicates possibly,
that the plant is not used for medicinal purposes. Some of the plants
used are seasonal, now rare to find and may grow at great distances from
the traditional healer. Often more than one plant will be used as a
remedy by the traditional healer cooked with food, such as porridge,
beans etc. or taken simply as an infusion. Wild animal parts and some
insects might also be included in the mixture. A plant may be used for
more than one disease as can be seen in tables. For example, Cassia
abbreviata both the bark and root are used for abdominal pains,
constipation and gonorrhoea. What this means is that the plant
constituents have several biological effects i.e. laxative and anti
bacterial properties. What happens is that, most people consult a
traditional healer for symptomatic relief. One traditional healer may
prescribe a certain herb for a particular illness, whereas the same herb
is given by another healer from another region in Zimbabwe for a very
different complaint. Be that as it may, generally, most plants have the
same use in different parts of Southern African region. (Watt and
Breyer - Brandwijk 1962).
Table 2.1 shows the most commonly used medicinal plants in Zimbabwe,
based on the several surveys carried out. Most to the phytomedicines
are adminstered orally either as an infusion, decoction or as a powder
mixed with food, usually porridge. A few medicines are administered
through other routes. For example, Ricinus communis leaves are crushed
and inserted into the vagina to induce abortion; Datura stammonium
leaves are smoked by asthmatics and Lippia javanica leaves which contain
essential oils are rubbed onto the face to reduce convulsions. It is
important to note that at times plant material may be mixed together for
a particular problem, and parts of animal, insects and bird may be some
of the constituents.
Poisoning due to phytotherapy
Acute poisoning due to traditional medicines usually follows a visit to a
traditional healer and as a result of the reverence in which
traditional healers are held, a history is often unreliable and
incomplete. Obtaining specimens of the suspected poisonous plant is
often difficult or even impossible but when availabe, are usually seen
as crude extracts or a piece of root or bark which obviously defies
botanical identification.
Some posionous plants have been well documented as shown in Table 2.2.
Whether poisoning by traditional medicines occur as an untoward effect
in their 'normal' use or whether it is a result of incorrect use, still
remains unclear. Generally speaking there are no specific antidotes
for traditional medicines and treatment is based on the clinical
picture, therefore a botanical identification of plant poisoning is of
academic interest only and does not contribute much to patient
management, although it could be of value in establishing a prognosis.
It is important to note that all patients with a history of exposure to
traditional medicines be cosidered cases of poisoning. The condition
with which the patient presents might be the same problem that prompted a
visit to the traditional healer and not the result of the visit.
Some medicinal plants poisoning have been observed in animals. In
Zimbabwe poisonous plants that are both extemely widespread and
responsible for great losses are fortunately; there are many others
with a much limited distribution that are nevertheless of considerable
ecomomic importance. It must be stressed that the same species from
diferent localitites is not necessarily equally toxic, and in fact it
has been found that a plant from one locality may be extremely poisonous
whereas the same plant from another locality was completely innocuous
(Shone and Drummond, 1995).
The several factors that have been thought to be primarily responsible
for giving rise to and increasing the incidence of plant poisoning in
Zimbabwe include:
1.Bush fires
Zimbabwe with its 5 month summer rainy season and consequent luxuriant
growth followed by 7 month dry season when virtually no rain falls is
particularly susceptible to bush fires. The fires denude large tracks
of the bush of its grass covering resulting in the deprivation of
animals of their major or sole source of food. The fires stimulate
plants to send up fresh shoots, and the first to do so with most
vigorous shoots are plants which posses a bulb or well developed root
system. Most of the poisonous plants in Zimbabwe fall into that
category eg. Bophane disticha (cattle killer) and Datura ammonium (thorn
apple), consequently many animals succumb to the temptation of eating
these shoots which are virtually irresistible to starving animals or to
animals whose only other feed is dry and unpalatable.
2.Pre - summer growth
Just before the rains when grazing is very poor, many bulbous and
deep-rooted plants, such as Dichapetalum cymsosum and Urginea sanguinea
sprout. Animals whose feed has become sparse and unpalatable are vey
much attracted to eating these plants and many die. It is also at this
time of the year that most farmers move their stock about to spread the
grazing and frequently animals are introduced to a camp where a
poisonous plant is growing in profusion.
The movement of animals from one area to another frequently leads to the
consumption of unfamiliar poisonous plants before acclimatization takes
place.
3.Encroachment
The encroachment of posionous plants may be so extensive that animals
are forced to either eat them or starve. The encroachment of Lantana
camara (cherry pie) is a notable example in Zimbabwe.
Poisonous plants such as the Moraea spp (Tulps) may grow in such close
relationships with grass that they are unavoidably eaten with the grass.
Phytomedicines used in traditional veterinary practice
Over the centuries Zimbabwean animal breeders have learnt a great deal
about animal diseases and tried many kinds of treatment. This knowledge
covers nearly all domestic animals and has been passed on by word of
mouth from generation to generation, part of it being available to all
breeders and part of it being a jealously guarded family secret.
Healers
In traditional veterinary medicine as in modern veterinary medicine, a
line can be drawn between the general practitioner and the specialist.
The former is often a herdsman, who treats various kinds of diseases by
applying what is common knowledge or belief among herdsmen. A
specialist is often when the hersdman fails, for example when dealing
with a fracture. It is important to note that healers of animals are
often healers of humans too. Their knowledge comes from their families
or from other herdsmen in the case of common knowledge.
Anatomy
It is not unusual to find that traditional veterinary healers are well
acquainted with the various parts of the body of an animal. They know
less about human bodies, as human beings are seldom dissected. There
are vernacular names for the different parts of an animal, even the
smallest parts of theanimal body visible to the naked eye.
Unfortunately, there is very little knowledge about the functioning of
the organs that both material and immaterial things are thought to play a
role in disease causation. Observation of rites and taboos in Zimbabwe
is a good example to illustrate the latter, which is important in the
maintenance of animal health.
Treatment
In addition to immaterial form of treatment, Zimbabwean veterinary
traditional healers have used material forms of treatment using natural
products. Creatures, whole or parts of the animal's body, various kinds
of soils and plants are some of the material forms of treatment that
have been used. Tables 2.3, 2.4 and 2.5 show different plants that are
used commonly for different animals.
The medicinal plants used are not always effective in all cases, but
this is true of any approach. However some of the plants have been
found to be effective in some cases, for example, Cissus qundrangularis
used for the treatment of maggots in animal wounds. It is therefore
important to carry out further research on phytomedicines used in
veterinary medicine. There is need to find out where traditional
practices may be a help or a hindrance in the animal sector and where
modern medicine offers a better alternative.
The future
Since 1980 at Zimbabwe's independence, there has been growth of a
movement in support of TM. The movement's successs over the last decade
has drawn together some remarkably diverse interest into sort of a
consensus or a coalition. Not surprisingly, then, at different for a no
less than in policy debates, there is a danger for discussions to be at
cross purposes. Unfortunately this has resulted in healers being left
to practices, as before, unregulated and un-funded by Government, and
largely unaccountable in law for malpractice, manslaughter or fraud.
Academic medicine has used specific healers on an ad hoc basis for
referrals, for giving medical, pharmacy and nursing science students,
while on rural attachment, an insight into traditional medical practice.
At times some of the students have carried out scientific studies on
healer's therapeutic technique or more often on their pharmacopoeia with
a view to the possible application in hospital clinics. This sort of
enquiry has to continue to be encouraged among students.
However, there are some who advocate that the position of TM should be
kept ill-defined though its use be encouraged and extended piecemeal as
conditions suggest. It looks like this will prove medically,
administratively or politically practicable not for a long time. The
heat and pressure are on. Zimbabwe should go beyond merely extending
the present ad hoc system, that some are prepared to admit exists, and
make efforts in the future to incorporate the traditinal medical
practitioner into some sort of national health service. This to some
extent is acknowledged by the Zimbabwe National Drug Policy.
Zimbabwe traditional medical practice is dynamic and adaptive although
firmly rooted in the traditions of the past. It has also been
acknowledged that the Zimbabwean traditional medical culture has been
for decades adapting, adding as well as dropping practices and theories.
Some traditional medical practitioners such as traditional birth
attendants, for example, have taken a keen interest in modern Primary
Health Care training programmes. This dynamism suggests that with
appropriate official support and recognition in the future, TM will
survive well into the next century, strenghened by modern science, not
subsumed by it. But others might argue that government priorities
should lie in the future with generating wealth (on the assumption that
leads to health) rather than promoting health per se. If that is to be,
then there is urgent need to professionalise Zimababwean TM. The
profession in the future should have the following characteristics:
a.) Autonomy
The profession retains a measure of independence through its right to
regulate itself; both the profesion as a whole and the professional as
an individual are thus able to organise and carry out their work without
undue interference from the employer or the clients. A start was made
with the 1991 Act referred to earlier.
b.)Monopoly
The profession also has a statutory monopoly over a defined sphere of
work; the monopoly is maintained by the profession's control over
licences to practise its particular kind of expertise - some of the
work, however, is divided out among subordinate groups under the
profession's control. (Nonetheless, in the case of medicine, there is
not necessarily a general monopoly over healthcare - one can still set
up a healer so long as no false claims are made as has been the case so
far with the HIV/AIDS epidemic; similarly self- medication with defined
limits is legal, of course).
c.)Ideology of service
A code of ethics governing relations betwen a profession and the client
and limiting competition between professions is formally set out and can
be enforced by the profession's own institutions which can be easily
set up. This is set out in Part V of the Act. Central to the code is
an assumption that service shold replace self-interest in the perfomance
of professional duties. In return for social recognition of its
special status, the profession is accountable to the public for
providing the expected level of service.
d.)Body of esoteric knowledge
A profession is responsible, as 'experts' not only for applying a
body of knowledge and skills in practice on behalf of the community but
also for teaching and examining recruits to the profesion and for
promoting research, particularly in the area of phytomedicines, so that
the profession can effectively reproduce both its membership and its
expert knowledge. The knowledge itself is normally structured in such a
way as to be susceptible to standardised instruction and use.
This is by no means a mean feat. There still exists at present some
'political space' for TM as we know it in Zimbabwe. However, it must be
born in mind that a purely political solution to how to accomodate TM
may prove in the long term deceptive. Professionalisation at one level
is about power, which to some extent may offer immediate scope for
political solutions, at another level it is about the long term
structuring of indigenous knowledge base, and about how to transmit what
is stil relevant to the next generation. The ultimate test of Zimbabwe
indigenous medical knowledge, particularly phytotherapy, will in the
future be in its success with patients.
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